The Committee of Public Safety

The Committee of Public Safety was created in April 1793 emerging during the time of crisis when General Dumouriez had defected to the allied forces of Prussia and Austria.  It was thought that a Committee (or in its early days a Commission) to cope with the mounting problems of civil war at home and military defeats to the encroaching allied powers. Danton as a founding member of the Committee proposed to the National Convention that it should devolve its functions to the Committees notably his one.  In July 1793 Robespierre would replace Danton and become the Committees driving force.  He would become more prominent within the Committee when so many of the others were absent as representatives on mission including Couthon and d’Herbois.

The Committee became increasingly powerful as the number of its staff mushroomed to deal with the problems of the revolution.  As the revolution became more centralised so the Committee enacted the Convention’s new legislation.  They helped with the implementation of levée en masse and the Law of the Maximum in September 1793.

After increasing success against the allies coupled with the increasing violence of the terror led some to question the legitimacy and need for the Committee.  This was when Desmoulins launched his Le Vieux Cordelier initially to mock the radical Hébertists soon it's ire would turn towards Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety.  This would see the eventual destruction of Desmoulins and his ally Danton by Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety.  

With the Law of 14 Frimaire in December 1793 (all representatives on a mission were only able to act on the say so of the Committee) and the creation of a General Police in March 1794 who reported to the Committee.  Laws had been passed which moved all political trials to Paris.  After this the Law of 22 Prairial in June 1794 meant all suspects were only allowed trials of three days and could only be acquitted or executed.  The trials quickly ceased to be any case fair as witnesses for the defence could not be called.  All citizens were now responsible for arresting those who were not seen to uphold revolutionary values.  By this stage the Committee with its night meetings in the Tuileries Palace were the beating heart of the revolution.

Seemingly at the zenith of its power the Committee of Public Safety and Robespierre in particular were seen with increasing alarm by the remainder of the politicians and citizens of Paris and beyond and were increasingly isolated.  The paranoia and distrust increased with Robespierre’s Cult of the Supreme Being.  Robespierre and the Committee’s power would unravel when the incorruptible stood to address the Convention on the 26th July and accused enemies of the Revolution.  Many would see the power of the Committee and realise if they did not react they could be dead within the week.  The ensuing chaos saw Robespierre, his allies and members of the Committee such as Couthon and Saint Just arrested and executed.

After Thermidor the Committee became increasingly irrelevant and side-lined.  With the coming of the Directory all Committees were dissolved and a new form of government was born if only temporarily.

Barère on the establishment of the Committee of Public Safety.  Taken from Memoirs of Bertrand Barère Volume 2, H. S. Nichols, London (1896) p72

On the 5th of April the Convention formed the first Committee of Public Safety, composed of nine members, to supersede the Committee of General Defence, which was ineffective and consisted of too many members. The ministerial departments were recast and their powers limited in various ways. I was appointed member of the first committee with MM. Cambon, Guyton-Morveau, Treilhard, Danton, Delmas, Lacroix, and Lindet.

Barère on the establishment of the second Committee of Public Safety.  Taken from Memoirs of Bertrand Barère Volume 2, H. S. Nichols, London (1896) p86-87

When one considers what Avas done by the first Committee of Public Safety, it will be found that it was constantly occupied with the equipment of the battalions which came from all parts devoid of all means of carrying on war, owing to the measures taken prior to the Convention by the agents of the executive power. It also gave evidence how difficult it was to resist the threats of civil war which fell from every mouth, either in the southern departments, which were irritated by the events of the 31st of May, and federated ; or in the departments of the west, which were exasperated by the recruitings and influenced by the nobles and priests. This was enough for Danton (who heard truly national opinions expressed in the midst of the committee every day) to embrace the idea of changing the members of this council, and of placing, if possible, his faithful creatures in it ; while himself holding aloof from the committee to direct it, to make it act according to his pleasure, and not to incur any responsibility of government. One day in the month of July, he rose and declared to the Convention, with a disinterested air, that public affairs did not make sufficient progress, and had not a sufficiently pronounced character in the midst of the divisions of federalism and of La Vendee; that he believed that the members of the Committee of Public Safety should be renewed, or at least should be subjected to re-election; that this council of nine members was not numerous enough, and must be raised to twelve; that as for himself, he begged the Assembly to receive his resignation. "Being little fitted for this sort of work," said he, " I shall do better outside the committee. I shall thus be its spur instead of its agent, and I shall achieve more good." Danton, conscious of the part he played in the inauspicious events of the 31st of May, felt that he would not be re-elected by the National Convention to the new Committee of Public Safety. He then affected that tone of superiority and surveillance which displeased the independent members of the Convention. Thus he had the cynical imprudence to proclaim himself fitted for the dictatorship. This haughty speech, pronounced with vigorous lungs and a frank and disinterested show of patriotism, was followed by a decree renewing the members of the committee. The list of names was then read. R. Lindet and I were the only ones who remained in the second committee, into which entered Herault de Sechelles, Jean Bon Saint-Andre, Prieur of the Marne, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, Saint-Just, and Couthon. The first Committee of Public Safety had lasted from the 5th of April until the end of July, 1793.

Barère on Carnot’s action’s in the Committee of Public Safety.  Taken from Memoirs of Bertrand Barère Volume 2, H. S. Nichols, London (1896) p89

Hardly had Carnot become a member of the committee, when he felt the need of making a general requisition of young Frenchmen, from the age of eighteen to twenty-five. He had foreseen that this sort of levy, once carried out, would suffice for all the requirements of the armies necessary on all the frontiers of France, and would save her in the space of a year. Carnot made the plans of campaign, with a facility equal to that with which he drew up the bills and decrees, relative to their execution. He pointed out to me his needs of legislation in various respects, and I immediately wrote my report, in order to explain the objects of these laws from the tribune.

Barère on the rise of Robespierre and his entry to the Committee of Public Safety.  Taken from Memoirs of Bertrand Barère Volume 2, H. S. Nichols, London (1896) p96-97

About this time Robespierre felt his ambition growing, and he thought that the moment had come to employ his influence and take part in the government. He took steps with certain members of the committee and the Convention, asking them to show a desire that he, Robespierre, should become a member of the Committee of Public Safety. He told the Jacobins it would be useful to observe the work and conduct of the members of the committee, and he told the members of the Convention that there would be more harmony between the Convention and the committee if he entered it. Several deputies spoke to me about it, and the proposal was made to the committee by Couthon and Saint-Just. To ask was to obtain, for a refusal would have been a sort of accusation, and it was necessary to avoid any split during that winter which was inaugurated in such a sinister manner. The committee agreed to his admission, and Robespierre was proposed.

Hardly had he entered when rigorous measures became the order of the day, and time was devoted to proceeding with the charge against the deputies who had been arrested on the 31st of May. In this the Committee of Public Safety took no part. But Robespierre, having become one of its members, proceeded to excite the zeal and even to assist the operations of the Committee of General Surety, a body entirely distinct from the Committee of Public Safety, and alone charged with the execution of the decrees of arrest, and with bringing before the judicature all that related to the law of suspects. Consequently, arbitrary arrests speedily increased in the environs of Paris, in the castles and country houses, principally within a radius of ten or twelve leagues from the capital.

Letter of Carrier to the Committee of Public Safety, September, 1793.  Taken from Correspondence of Jean-Baptiste Carrier (People’s Representative to the Convention) During his mission in Brittany, 1793-1794, John Lane: The Bodley Head, London (1920) p25

Citizens my Colleagues…

Public spirit here is at revolutionary height. Last Sunday I made the garrison assemble at the Champ de Mars. I harangued the different bodies of the troops. I had only the most flattering things to say to them all, with the exception of the company of the gunners of Rennes. With the greatest publicity and all possible energy I pointed out to them the counter-revolutionary actions which have marked every step of their conduct since the last days of May. I addressed to them the most cutting reproaches; I announced to them that it was my intention to dissolve them with ignominy, had it not been for the order of General Canclaux, requesting them to go to him. I said they were to obey these orders and as, by a culpable complaisance, the municipality had issued passports to several of those who had already, at my approach, scattered into the towns and surrounding villages, I declared to them in the presence of the whole garrison and an immense multitude, that I should hold the relations of the fugitives responsible for their return.

This solemn declaration produced the effect that I had expected; already a flood of letters has been written urging the fugitives to join the contingent of the last recruiting and those who have returned to Canclaux. The municipality has given me its word to rally round me or Canclaux before long. Two of these gunners have been arrested at S. Malo and are going to be sent to me. You may count on my winning them all over. I am now taking the necessary steps to have them sent to Canclaux who, in accordance with the order he has received from the Minister of War on this matter, will send them to the Army of the North: that is their true destination; they all possess courage and know how to drill. I am confident that away from perfidious administrators and their counter-revolutionary municipalities, and when among our brave gunners, they will certainly efface from their minds all ideas of federalism and will valiantly defend their country.

I have dismissed their commander from his post, and have had him arrested; he has escaped, but the municipality which gave him a passport will answer to me for this and I shall well know how to force it to indicate to me the place of its concealment. I have already made some dismissals and some very good replacements. I would have had the general beaten, but the replacements are difficult, the workmen here being in full counter-revolution. The sans-culotterie is at revolutionary pitch.

Sunday's festival was very brilliant. On returning to the Champ de Mars we planted the tree of liberty amid acclamations of joy from a numerous people who passed the rest of the day and all the night in dancing. Shouts of the most patriotic mirth echoed continually from the walls of Rennes.

The people await with impatience the dismissal and punishment of traitors. This waiting will not be long. I am expected in every town and surrounding commune, but I can quit Rennes only when I have entirely stifled all hopes of the resurrection of federalism and counter-revolution. I have already prepared the measures necessary for public safety in several communes, but, nevertheless, the condition of Brittany is very disquieting. A large part of Brittany is in the same disposition as Toulon….

However, you may rely on my firm resolution to crush all conspirators: I shall only leave Brittany when I have delivered them up to the national vengeance, or when this evil is abolished by a flight that I cannot prevent.

Greeting and fraternity.

Carrier.

Letter of Carrier to the Committee of Public Safety, Rennes September 1793.  Taken from Correspondence of Jean-Baptiste Carrier (People’s Representative to the Convention) During his mission in Brittany, 1793-1794, John Lane: The Bodley Head, London (1920) p34

Citizen Colleagues,

Brittany was the first to rise for the Revolution; it will be the first to move for a counter-revolution if it has any opportunity. It is inconceivable, it is even treason against national liberty, that no one of my colleagues, that no citizen should have given the National Convention an account of the political situation of former Brittany. It is high time it should be known that there are only a few communes going with the Revolution ; that it is only among the sans'Culotterie of the towns that good principles are to be found ; everywhere else there is open counter-revolution;

The town which above all others requires your attention and care is Nantes. You probably know, or at least my colleagues there ought to have informed you, that the town is filled with foreigners; that the merchants and gentlemen who practically compose the whole town are recognized counter-revolutionists and in communication with the rebels of the Vendee, whose rebellions they encourage and support  that the Nantais were the first to set the dire example of an advance to the ci-devant Comte d'Artois. I don't know what motives for circumspection there can be in the case of a town that might well become a second Lyons. From Nantes to Rennes there is a cordon of counter-revolution.

Everywhere, I repeat, everywhere the Constituted Authorities are in open counter-revolution; everywhere there is an open traffic in separate markets in money and assignats this counter revolutionary action has only disappeared in the Department of Ille-et-Vilaine. Nowhere have the measures of the 4th of May relative to provisions been taken.  I can assure you that in Finistere and Morbihan, whither I intend to go as soon as possible, the counter-revolution is as strong as at Coblentz. Things had come to such a pass in Rennes that I had to spend eight days choosing patriots to fulfil administrative functions. I am going to work this change tomorrow; there are other secondary ones to follow, for I will not leave a single aristocrat in office. After that I will go where liberty seems most threatened by dangers.

Meanwhile, I have cleared the prisons in Rennes of all counter-revolutionists imprisoned in them; a great number had escaped, eight since I came here. I sent sixteen to the Revolutionary Tribunal……..

Letter of Carrier to the Committee of Public Safety, Nantes October 1793.  Taken from Correspondence of Jean-Baptiste Carrier (People’s Representative to the Convention) During his mission in Brittany, 1793-1794, John Lane: The Bodley Head, London (1920) p69

I must warn you that there are in the prisons of Nantes people arrested as prime movers of the Vendee.  Instead of amusing myself by bringing them to trial, I shall send them to their own homes to be shot. These terrible examples will overawe the ill-disposed and will restrain those who might have a desire to swell the cohort of the brigands. They are believed to be alive as long as their punishment is not actually seen.

Greeting and fraternity.

Carrier.

Letter of Carrier to the Committee of Public Safety 12 November, 1793).  Taken from Correspondence of Jean-Baptiste Carrier (People’s Representative to the Convention) During his mission in Brittany, 1793-1794, John Lane: The Bodley Head, London (1920) p114

Brave Colleagues, the Revolution marches with giant strides: prejudice and fanaticism crumbles beneath the irresistible force of right the torch of philosophy brightens everything and consumes her enemies; the Convention enjoys the greatest confidence; circumstances look well for us, the wind of Revolution blows strong. Now is the appointed time; the French people have delivered into your hands the thunderbolt of vengeance let it roar; shatter it in lightning upon counterrevolutionary heads; be terrible as it is when in anger! Despotism must make liberty's foundations sure. Her earliest benefits and the trials she has undergone when in her cradle, can only be appreciated by patriots. The Republican rod must descend pitilessly on those who disdain to bend their haughty heads beneath equality's yoke.  Strike, and strike hardily; track to earth every prejudiced person; the time has come. The vicissitudes of a Revolution are only too great large measures have saved Liberty; they will give her firm and lasting support.   With these principles engraven on my heart, I practise them with that Republican steadfastness which only sees the image of a shattered Fatherland and strives boldly to piece it together again. ^ I have every suspect arrested and disarmed; the greatest and most  wealthy of them are in the cells. I have further measures to mature of which I shall inform you; you shall judge if they be revolutionary! I promise not to leave a single counter-revolutionist, not one monopolist, at large in Nantes in a few days' time, and this in spite of the swarms of them in the commune.

Greeting, fraternity,

Carrier.