Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave

Barnave was born in 1761 in Grenoble in Dauphiné into a Protestant family.  As with many of the revolutionaries he had an early career in the law.  He made his name with a speech in the local parliament on the division of political power.  He would rise to even greater prominence after the Day of the Tiles in 1788 he published a pamphlet Esprit des édüs enregistrés militairement le 20 mai 1788. Barnave was chosen as a deputy for the third estate when it was called in 1789 for his province of Dauphiné.

In his early revolutionary days he became a member of the Jacobins and helped create their first rule book and manifesto.  He along with Adrien Duport and Alexandre Lameth became known as the “triumvirate,” and they sought a more constitutional monarchy.  During this time period he clashed frequently with Mirabeau.

Although supporting the Revolutions measures against the church he was more conservative in other ways.  He opposed the abolition of slavery and clashed with Brissot over what he saw as a direct threat to France’s economic interests.  Perhaps the most life changing moment for the young revolutionary was when he sat in the carriage of the royal family as they were escorted back to Paris after the Flight to Varennes.  It would seem he was moved by Marie Antoinette’s stoicism, although on the journey back he found it difficult to meet her gaze.  It would appear that he suggested to the royal family that they should declare that they were abducted from rather than willingly fled Paris.

From this point he campaigned for a constitutional monarchy, the maintenance of the royal veto and spoke of the inviolability of the person of the king.  It was during this period that a series of correspondence partly in code passed between Marie Antoinette and Barnave.  He convinced her and Louis to accept the constitution and withdraw support for the emigres.  Barnave and 346 members of the increasingly republican Jacobin club met at the Feuillants Chapel near the Tuileries.  It is possible that many within the Jacobin movement were concerned at the violence that had greeted the call for a Republic when a petition signing had ended with the Massacre at the Champs de Mars.  The Feuillants and their more moderate message now held sway within the assembly over the Jacobins.  

Their power was not to last however.  With the outbreak of war between Austria and France (a war the Feuillants opposed) and increasing republican spirits across France the political tide turned against Barnave.  He sensed what was occurring and withdrew from political life to Grenoble.  However he could not escape the suspicions of the Legislative Assembly where he was denounced.  He was imprisoned for ten months where he worked on a history of the French Revolution.  Unfortunately for him as the monarchy fell, papers were discovered showing Barnave had been having a long correspondence with Marie Antoinette.  On the 29th of November in 1793 he was executed.

Barnave on slavery from March 8th 1790 in The French Revolution and Human Rights a brief documentary history, Bedford/St Martins, Boston New York, (1996) p109

The interest of the French nation in supporting its commerce, preserving its colonies, and favouring their prosperity by every means compatible with the interests of the metropole has appeared to us, from every angle of vision, to be an incontestable truth..

Abandon the colonies, and these sources of prosperity will disappear or diminish.

Abandon the colonies and you will import, at great price, from foreigners what they today buy from you.

Abandon the colonies at the moment when your establishments there are based on possessing them, and listlessness will replace activity, misery abundance: the mass of workers, of useful and hardworking citizens, will pass quickly from a state of ease into the most deplorable situation; finally agriculture and our finances will soon be struck by the same disaster experienced in commerce and manufactures.  

Letter VI from the summer of 1790 Helen Maria Williams recounts her visit to the National Assembly and seeing Joseph Barnave.  Taken from Letters Written in France, Broadview Literary Texts, Ormskirk (2002) p83

The most celebrated characters in the National Assembly were pointed out to us.  Monsieur Barnave de Dauphine who is only six and twenty years of age, and the youngest member of the Assembly, is esteemed its first orator, and is leader of the democratic party. I believe Mons. Barnave does not owe all his reputation to his talents, however distinguished; his virtues also claim a considerable share of that applause which he receives from his country.  He has shown himself as steadfast in principle, as he is eloquent in debate.  With firm undeviating integrity he has defended the cause of the people.  Every motion he has made in the Assembly has passed into a law, because its beneficial tendency has always been evident; and it was he he who effected that memorable decree which deprived the King of the power of making war, without the consent of the nation.  Mons. Barnave is adored by the people; who have two or three times taken the horses from his carriage, and drawn him in triumph through the streets of Paris.

Madam Campan (one of the Queen’s lady in waiting) on the Marie Antoinette and Joseph Barnave on the return from Varennes.  Taken from Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, Complete Madame Jeanne-Louise-Henriette Campan, Echo Library, Teddington (2007) p205

The three commissioners sent by the Assembly to meet the King, MM. de Latour-Maubourg, Barnave, and Potion, joined them in the environs of Epernay.  The two last mentioned got into the King’s carriage.  The Queen astonished me by the favourable opinion she had formed of Barnave.  When I quitted Paris a great many persons spoke of him only with horror.  She told me he was much altered, that he was full of talent and noble feeling.  “A feeling of pride which I cannot much blame in a young man belonging to the Tiers Etat,” she said, “made him applaud everything which smoothed the road to rank and fame for the class in which he was born.  And if we get the power in our own hands again, Barnave’s pardon is already written in our hearts.”  The Queen added, that she had not the same feeling towards these nobles who had joined the revolutionary party, who had always received marks of favour, often to the injury of those beneath them in rank, and who, born to be the safeguard of the monarchy, could never be pardoned for having deserted it.  She then told me that Barnave’s conduct upon the road was perfectly correct, while Potion’s republican rudeness was disgusting; that the latter ate and drank in the King’s berlin in a slovenly manner, throwing the bones of the fowl out through the window at the risk of sending them into the King’s face; lifting up his glass, when Madame Elisabeth poured him out wine, to show her that there was enough, without saying a word; that this offensive behaviour must have been intentional, because the man was not without education; and that Barnave was hurt at it.  On being pressed by the Queen to take something, “Madame,” replied Barnave, “on so solemn an occasion the deputies of the National Assembly ought to occupy your Majesties solely about their mission, and by no means about their wants.” In short, his respectful delicacy, his considerate attentions, and all that he said, gained the esteem not only of the Queen, but of Madame Elisabeth also.

William Short the American chargé d'affaires notes the political situation in France in early July 1791.  Taken from Witnesses to the Revolution American and British Commentators in France 1788-1794, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London (1989)  p147

By one of those vicissitudes which take place in the course of the revolutions the three members who formerly were the demagogues of the Assembly (A. Lameth, Duport and Barnave) have now lost all their favour gained in some measure the confidence of the king and queen-there is no doubt that they have secret communications.  This triumvirate resolved to risk everything to attain the ministry, have removed all the obstacles, except the decree of the assembly which excludes its members.

Madam Campan (one of the Queen’s lady in waiting) on Barnave and Marie Antoinette.  Taken from Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, Complete Madame Jeanne-Louise-Henriette Campan, Echo Library, Teddington (2007) p225

Barnave, seeing that the Queen did not follow his counsel in anything, and convinced that she placed all her reliance on assistance from abroad, determined to quit Paris.  He obtained a last audience.  “Your misfortunes Madame,” said he, “and those which I anticipate for France, determined me to sacrifice myself to serve you.  I see, however, that my advice does not agree with the views of your Majesties.  I augur but little advantage from the plan you are induced to pursue, - you are too remote from your succours; you will be lost before they reach you.  Most ardently do I wish I may be mistaken in so lamentable a prediction; but I am sure to pay with my head for the interest your misfortunes have raised in me, and the services I have sought to render you.  I request, for my sole reward, the honour of kissing you hand.”  The Queen her eyes suffused with tears, granted him that favour, and remained impressed with a favourable idea of his sentiments.

Joseph Barnave explains as to why the King was incapable of solving France’s problems Power, Property and History Joseph Barnave’s Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings, Harper Torchbooks, New York Evanston San Francisco London, (1971) p124

The existing government had nevertheless reached the time of its maturity.  Deprived of the bonds of respect and affection, it continued to rule, so to speak, only by mechanical means.  The two privileged orders which still formed the machinery of government had ruined themselves in their luxury and debased themselves morally.  The third estate, on the contrary, had acquired extensive enlightenment and immense wealth.  The nation was held in check only by its habituation to slavery and its sense of the impossibility of breaking its chains.  But opinions, which the government still curbed, had made immense progress in the depth of the nation, and already in the rising generation the precepts of Helvétius and Rousseau began to cause Voltaire to be forgotten.

For royal authority to sustain itself in such circumstances would have required that the throne be occupied by a tyrant or a great man….

Louis XVI was neither one nor the other.  He was too virtuous not to try and correct the abuses he had been scandalised to observe; he had neither the character nor the talents which could have restrained an impetuous nation whose actual condition and monarch’s summoned it to reform.

His reign was a succession of attempts for the good, acts of weakness and ineptitude.

Joseph Barnave explains as to the importance of the American Revolution in causing the French Revolution. Taken from Power, Property and History Joseph Barnave’s Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings, Harper Torchbooks, New York Evanston San Francisco London (1971) p125-126

What the nature of things had prepared the conduct of the government had (encouraged) was provoked by the American war.  Through that miraculous linkage of circumstances which produces extraordinary events, while everything was making (for domestic troubles), external policy, on its part, tended to bring about the revolution of France and perhaps hasten that of Europe.

The authors of this political system, in allying France with Austria, had the object of maintaining peace on the Continent, of devoting our surplus wealth to the growth of our shipping, the humbling of England, and the increase of our commerce.  Following the same ideas they had prepared and fermented the insurrection of the English colonies against their metropolis.  When matured it had to be supported.  Hence the war, resulting in three consequences which favoured our revolution: the first, that the nation was filled with ideas of insurrection and liberty; the second, that the army, already assimilated to the civilian population by a long peace, (was influenced by the new ideas) and joined the enthusiasm of civic to soldierly virtues; the third, that the (government’s) finances were completely (ruined).  Thus while the government was faced with a public opinion threatening to its very existence, the two principal instruments of power suddenly crumbled in its hands.

Joseph Barnave explains Calonne’s failings. From Power, Property and History Joseph Barnave’s Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings, Harper Torchbooks,  New York Evanston San Francisco London,(1971) p127

There appeared that man whose name will be linked to the memory of the French Revolution as its evil genius.  Far from there being a question of economy under his administration, he was prodigal by character, complaisance, and system.  Just as a ruined man tries to dazzle by his ostentation, hoping for some unexpected resource in the kind of esteem he attracts, so his minister seemed to want to win over powerful men by his lavishness and to intoxicate the nation by a factitious prosperity.  (Thus he hoped) to prepare everything and to be master of opinion at the moment when he would reveal the bold measures by which he imagined he would (restore finances).

He finally brought on that famous time when the deficit was revealed and when statesmen could foresee almost everything that has happened since.

Some of the things he proposed might have succeeded, had they been presented by a respected minister after extensive reforms in expenditure, and when needs were not as large nor as pressing.  But when a discredited government, scandalous in its lavishness, suddenly reveals its extreme distress, enjoying neither respect nor fear, all its proposals seem to be snares and its demands arose only indignation and contempt.